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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 


D 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagAe 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurie  et/ou  pelliculAe 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I      I    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  gAographiques  en  couleur 


'l^oloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


I      I    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  n^aterial/ 
Rell6  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serr6e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int^rieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutdes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  M  filmies. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentalres; 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  methods  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqute  ci-dessous. 


T 
t( 


I      I   Coloured  pages/ 


D 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagies 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restauries  et/ou  pelliculies 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  fo«ed/ 
Pages  d6color6es,  tacheties  ou  piquAes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d6tach6es 


T 

P 
o 
fi 


0 
b 
t» 
si 
o< 
fi 
si 

Ol 


Showthrough/ 
Transparence 


I      I   Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  inigale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplimentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  Ati  filmies  A  nouveau  de  fapon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


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This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


7  ^^ 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


tails 
I  du 
odifier 
une 
mage 


Tha  copy  ffilmad  hara  has  baan  raproducad  thanks 
to  tha  ganarosity  of: 

Library  Diviiior. 

Provincial  ArcNves  of  British  Columbia 

Tha  imagas  appearing  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  lieeping  with  'the 
filming  contract  specifications*. 


Original  copies  in  printed  peper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  becit  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrsted  >mpression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  eech  microfiche 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  ▼  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hend  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


L'exemplaire  f llmA  fut  reproduit  grAce  i  le 
gAnArositA  de: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Les  images  suivantas  ont  AtA  reproduites  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin.  compta  tenu  de  le  condition  et 
de  la  nettetA  de  I'exempleire  f llmA.  et  en 
conformitA  evec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplairas  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimAe  sont  filmAs  en  commen^ant 
par  la  premier  plat  et  en  terminent  soit  par  la 
darnlAre  page  qui  comporta  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  las  autres  exemplairas 
originaux  sont  filmAs  en  commen9ant  par  la 
premiAre  pege  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  darnlAre  pege  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
derniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  \kt  symbole  — ^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ".  le 
symbols  ▼  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartas,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  Atre 
filmAs  A  des  taux  da  rAduction  diffArants. 
Lorsqua  la  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA.  il  est  filmA  A  partir 
da  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  an  bas.  en  prenent  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaira.  Las  diagrammas  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


rata 
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lA 


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2 

3 

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5 

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SPEECH 


or 


MK.  BOWLIN,  OF  MISSOURI, 


ON 


THE  OREGON    QUESTION, 

DELIVERED 

IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  JANUARY  6,  1846. 


Mr.  BOWLIN  said:  He  re]Sfarded  this  ques- 
tion of  the  occupation  of  Oregon  as  one  of  the  most 
vital  importance  that  had  agitated  this  Govern- 
ment since  its  foundation.  It  not  only  involved 
the  value  of  the  territory  in  question,  but  rrinci- 
ptes  of  the  most  sacred  character  to  the  nation. 
No  matter  in  what  light  we  viewed  it — whether  in 
regard  to  the  value  of  the  territory  in  question,  to 
the  national  honor  at  stake,  or  the  mighty  Power 
with  whom  it  might  probably  bring  us  into  colli- 
sion— it  was  every  way  equally  important.  The 
issue  seemed  now  to  be  made  un.  Negotiation, 
which  had  been  amusing  and  roobing  us  for  the 
last  quarter  of  a  century,  was  now  at  an  end,  and 
the  time  foi  action  had  come.  The  crisis  had  ar- 
rived; and  we  had  to  decide  upon  principles  which 
involved  the  unity  or  dismemberment  of  the  soil 
of  the  Republic.  If  this  nation  should  give  way 
OB  this  point,  she  would,  in  the  very  bloom  of  her 
youth,  stand  degraded  in  the  eyes  of  the  world, 
and  a  lasting  stain  would  be  inflicted  upon  her 
honor.  If  she  resisted  this  agression,  war  might 
be  the  consequence;  and  even  if  it  should  be,  who 
would  hesitate  in  the  performance  of  a  great  na- 
tional duty,  demanded  by  honor  and  justice,  to 
avoid  its  calamities?  The  very  importance  of 
the  question  rendered  more  imperative  our  duty 
to  bring  the  country  out  of  it  with  untarnished 
honor.  Was  this  to  be  accomplished  by  a  time- 
serving inactive  policy  ?  Were  we  to  escape  dis- 
hftnorlay  leaving  a  foreign  colony  upon  our  soil  ? 
No;  the  brand  nad  been  already  fixed  upon  the 
nation's  brow,  by  miserable  diplomacy,  and  every 
hour  it  was  suffered  tamely  and  quietly  to  remain 


but  fixed  the  impression  deeper  and  deeper.  He 
repudiated  the  miserable  policy  that  could  ttunely 
calculate  the  cost  upon  a  question  of  this  import- 
ance to  the  national  interests,  to  the  national  honor 
and  glory. 

Upon  the  question  of  our  claims  to  Oregon,  he 
did  not  propose  to  trouble  the  House.  His  views 
upon  it  nau  already  been  fully  submitted  at  a  for- 
mer session  of  Congress,  and  ne  should  only  touch 
upon  them  as  they  might  incidentally  be  involved 
in  the  review  of  the  treaties  made  upon  this  sub- 
ject. He  proposed  to  leave  the  question  of  title 
where  the  decision  of  the  last  Congress,  in  confor- 
mity with  that  of  the  Baltimore  Convention,  had 
placed  it,  and  which  tlie  people  of  this  nation  had 
ratified  by  a  solemn  and  decisive  vote,  viz:  that  it 
is  unquestionably  in  us 

The  title  of  Oregon,  then,  is  ours;  and  is  estab- 
lished by  the  best  authority  in  this  country.  That 
being  the  case,  had  we  aone  anything  to  place 
that  title  out  of  our  hands,  or  to  ng  it  into  jeop- 
ardy? And  here  permit  him  to  stttte,  at  the  outset 
of  his  argument,  that  no  act  which  we  might  pos- 
sibly do  in  relation  to  Oregon,  so  long  as  we  leave 
the  rivers,  bays,  and  creeks  of  that  territory  open 
to  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and  allow  them 
the  right  of  trading  with  the  Indians,  could  be  in 
violation  of  that  conver*"on.  We  might  establish 
a  territorial  Government  regardless  of  the  notice^ 
we  might  build  our  forts  and  fortifications;  we 
might  send  our  people  there;  we  might  oi^nize 
the  territory  into  a  State;  and,  in  his  humble  opin- 
ion, there  would  be  no  violation  of  the  ti-eaty  stip- 
ulations between  us  and  England. 


«'/0     •.-!«    "•■» 


The  error  into  which  gentlemen  seem  to  liave 
fallen  upon  tliis  subject,  waa,  in  supuoNins;  tliat 
we  had  negotiated  ourselves  out  of  the  right  of 
disposing  of  our  territory  in  Oregon  as  we  j)leased 
without  giving  just  cause  of  offence  to  otiiers. 
This  docrine  grew  out  of  tiie  idea,  so  busily  j.ro- 
mulgpted  by  the  English  usurpers  of  our  tcrriiory, 
that  there  existed  by  treaty  a  "joint  occupation" 
in  Oregon.  This  he  utterly  denied.  There  never 
was  such  a  thing  as  "joint  occupation"  secured 
?o  England  in  the  treaty;  and  it  was  only  an  adopt- 
ed phrase,  ingeniously  invented  to  bolster  up  the 
pretensions  ni'  the  aggressors.  It  exists  in  none 
of  the  treaties  either  with  Spain  or  with  us.  It  is 
a  modern  invention,  to  turn  a  treaty  strictly  com- 
mercial into  a  treaty  of  territory  and  boundaries — 
into  a  treaty  involving  the  sovereignty  of  soil. 
What  he  proposed  now  to  show  was,  that  no  ex- 
ercise of  sovereignty  over  the  territory  of  Oregon, 
on  our  part,  was  a  violation  of  any  of  the  treaties, 
while  British  subjects  were  there  permitted  to  en- 
joy the  freedom  of  navigation  and  trade,  and  while 
that  privilege  might  and  could  be  better  protected 
under  an  organized  goverrmient  of  the  territory  by 
us  than  at  present;  and  that  it  was  our  right  to  an- 
nul and  abrogate  it  at  our  will  and  pleasure,  with- 
outjust  cause  of  oifeiice  to  any  one. 

Then  he  might  ask,  what  has  England  gnined 
by  treaty  on  this  subject? 

The  first  foundation  of  her  pretendad  claim  was 
the  treaty  of  Noofka  Sound;  and  upon  this  her 
own  eminent  stiitesmen  had  pronounced,  on  the 
floor  of  the  British  Parliament,  that  they  had 
gained  nothing  that  they  had  not  before.  They 
had  bullied  Spain  into  that  negotiation;  they  hud 
kicked  her  into  it  by  voting  supplies  to  the  King 
for  carrying  on  the  war.  But  Spain  out-generaled 
them,  and  they  gained  nothing  but  fine  words. 
They  gained  nothing  but  the  right  of  ingress  and 
egress  in  that  territory,  the  right  to  trade  with  the 
natives,  and  to  make  temporary  huts  and  ware- 
houses. Ay,  they  gained  a  loss  by  that  very 
treaty;  for  they' gained  the  privilege  of  the  com- 
merce of  the  South  Sea,  ana  took  it  as  a  boon  at 
the  hands  of  a  nation  which  they,  at  the  tnmc 
time,  held  in  pretended  scorn  and  contempt.  Yes, 
sir;  she  acknowledged  the  sovereignty  of  Spain 
over  the  South  seas,  and  took  as  a  boon  from  her 
the  privileges  of  their  commerce.  That  was  strict- 
ly a  commercial  convention,  and  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  sovereignty  of  the  soil  of  Oregon;  and 
every  privilege  granted  could  have  been  exercised 
consistently  with  Spain's  sovereignty  over  the  soil. 
1  he  following  is  the  third  article  of  the  treaty  of 
Nootlca  Sound,  specifying  the  privileges  conferred: 

"Ar'iICLc  ill.  Ill  ordur  to  Htieiigthuii  the  boiuis  of 
'  fridulship,  and  to  jirest'ive  in  future  iwrlei-t  Imriiioiiy  nnd 
'  ag)od  uiidur:«tiiiidin!;  butwenii  thi;  two  contracting  parties, 
'  it  ii  agreed  tliat  their  rasftcctive  subjects  shall  not  he  dis- 
'turted  or  inolesied,  either  in  iiaviguting  or  carrying  on 
'  thci  r  tisheries  in  tlie  I'acitic  ocean  or  tlic  Hoiitli  aens,  or 
'  of  l.:tiding  on  the  coast-s  of  those  seas,  in  places  not  al- 
'  ready  o.'-cupied,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  their  coiii- 
'  merce  Wi?h  tlie  natives  of  Uie  country,  or  of  making  set- 
'  tieinents  U.^'re ;  the  whole  subject,  nevertheless,  to  Uie 
'  restrictions  speeiiied  in  the  tliree  following  articles." 

The  nature  and  diameter  of  the  settlements  are 
tally  explained  by  the  proviso  to  the  sixth  article, 
in  the  following  words: 

"  Provided,  Tliat  tlie  said  respective  subjects  shall  retain 
<  the  liberty  of  landing  on  the  coasts  and  islands  so  situated 
*  for  the  puriKMe  .of  their  flilierjr,  oud  of  «r«ctiiig  tlienon 


'  huts     id  other  teinporarj'  buildings  «f  niiig  only  for  ih<Jse 
'  pur|M»nes." 

N(»w,  if  this  treaty  was  not  comi>Ictcly  abro- 
gated by  the  war  wliii'h  immediately  alter  fol- 
I  lowed  between  Great  Hntaiii  and  Spain,  what  did 
1  she  gain  by  it?  Freedom  to  her  ctiminerce  and 
i  trade  in  those  regions;  nothing  more.  And  what- 
j  ever  may  have  bten  her  aiiiliitioiis  designs  upon 
]  the  temlory,  Spain  conceded  no  more,  and  inieiid- 
I  ed  to  concede  no  more. 

The  n>.  xi  thing  in  the  history  of  negotiation,  by 
I  which  .she  pretended  that  she  ac(|uirtd  any  rights, 
I  was  in  the  ceh^bratid  treaty  with  the  United  States, 
I  in  iHld.     The  terms  of  that  treaty  were,  perhapi", 
f'aniiliiir  to  every  gentleman  hi  this  House;  but  he 
wished  to  call  tlie  attention  of  gentlemen  particu- 
larly to  it  as  compared  with  other  treaties  of  the 
I  United  States  witli  Great  Britain,  that  they  might 
.see  whether  she  ever  ;riiined  any  more  right  cf 
soil,  or  other  rigJits,  under  il  than  she  had  gained 
under  other  treaties,  with  regard  to  which  she  had 
made  no  such  preteiisioiiH.     What  did  the  treaty 
of  1818  give  them  ?    The  third  article  of  that  treaty 
was  as  follows: 

"Ahticle  III.  It  is  agreed  th.it  any  country  that  may  be 
'  elaiiiied  by  cithitr  party  on  the  northwest  co.-ist  of  America 
•  westward  of  tlie  i^tony  mountains,  shall,  together  with  its 
'  harbors,  bays,  and  crpcks,  and  tliif  navigation  of  all  rivers 
'  within  the  saiiir^  In;  free  and  op«Mi  for  the  term  often  years, 
'fr(  n  the  date  'I  the  signatnre  of  tlie  present  convention, 
'  to  the  vesMels,  citiKens,  and  .subjects  of  the  two  powers ;  it 
'  being  well  understood  that  iliis  agreenicnl  is  not  to  be  con- 
'  strued  to  the  prejudice  of  any  claim  which  cither  of  the 
'two  high  contractins  parties  may  have  to  any  part  of  the 
'  said  count 'y  ;  nor  shall  it  be  takc'ii  to  affect  the  claims  of 
'  any  other  jtower  or  state  to  any  part  of  the  said  country — 
'  the  only  object  of  the  high  contracting  parti(;s  in  tti;»t  re- 
's|M'ct  being  to  prevent  dispute*  and  dilfurenccs  among 
'  themselves." 

Now,  he  contended  that  while  we  preserve  to 
them  the  freedom  of  trade  in  that  territory,  and 
preserve  the  creeks,  bays,  and  rivers  open  to  their 
communication  witli  the  waters  of  that  country, 
there  was  no  violation  of  the  spirit  of  that  treaty. 
This  idea  of  "joint  occupation,"  growing  out  of 
that  treaty,  arose  from  the  peculiar  condition  of  the 
case,  and  not  from  the  words  of  the  treaty  or  from 
any  known  principles  of  international  law.  When 
we  agree  to  let  a  country  into  commercial  transac- 
tions with  a  savage  people  on  our  territory,  it  ne- 
cessarily carried  with  it  the  idea  that  they  may  for- 
tify themselves  with  stockades  and  temporary  forts; 
and  that  begets  the  idea  of  permanent  iiabitation, 
permanent  location;  and  tlii.««  begets  the  idea  with 
a  grasping  nation  such  as  Great  Brit<un  that  there 
may  be  some  claim  to  territory  arising  under  it. 
An  examplu  of  a  similar  treaty  was  that  which  was 
concluded  with  England  in  171H,  known  as  Jay's 
treaty,  by  which  the  free  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi river  was  expressly  provided  for.  And  the 
article  in  that  treaty  was  almost  in  identical  terms 
with  the  article  of  this  treaty  in  relation  to  Oregon. 

Mr.  B,  read  the  following  extnwt  from  this 
treaty: 

"  The  river  Mississippi  shall,  however,  nceonling  to  the 
'  treaty  of  peace,  be  entirely  oiieii  to  both  parties ;  and  it  i» 
'  fiirtlier  agreed  that  all  the'  ))orts  and  places  on  its  easKirn 
'  side,  to  whichsoever  of  the  pii'ies  belonging,  may  freely 
'  be  resorted  to  and  used  by  Iwtl  ,iartics  in  as  ample  a  man- 
'  ner  as  any  of  the  Atlantic  p<  ts  or  places  of  the  United 
<  States,  or  any  of  Uie  ports  or  places  of  his  Majesty  in  Great 
'  Britain." 

Almost  precisely  the  language  used  in  relation  to 
Oregon,    rfow,  suppose  thai  Graat  BhUun  hod 


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rliu])?, 
jut  he 

inrticu- 
of  the 
might 
rht  cf 
iiiiicd 
le  liad 
treaty 

t  treaty 


this 


crcatrd  one  of  lier  great  monopolizing^  roinpanics, 
and  hud  phicrd  it  on  the  soil  of  Mississippi  and 
Teiini'ssee:  who  would  have  Iiclicved  fnra  moment 
her  claim  to  any  right  of  territory  (here,  under  a 
treaty  which  gave  to  her  the  right  of  ingress  and 
egress  in  that  river?  Wlio  would  have  supposed 
that  she  had  any  riglit  to  prevent  us  from  organiz- 
ing a  civil  government  there?  And  yet  the  privi- 
leges conferred  upon  her  und<'r  Jay's  treaty  in  re- 
lation to  tlie  Mississippi  river  were  just  as  exten- 
sive as  those  whieli  this  treaty  in  it  lation  to  Oregon 
conferred  upon  her,  and  still  it  never  entered  the 
heads  of  British  statesmen  that  they  had  any  right 
to  tlic  territory  along  the  shores  of  the  Mississippi, 
the  Missouri,  and  the  Arkansas;  and  the  idea  of 
her  rights  in  Oregon  had  hecn  begotten  alone  by 
this  continual  grasping  sjiirit  on  her  part,  fostered 
by  our  own  supineness  and  inaelion,  and  by  the 
remoteness  of  this  territory.  Tiiey  would  never 
have  tried,  under  the  treaty  of  1818,  to  plant  a  ter- 
ritory under  our  own  view.  Under  the  treaty 
which  conferred  upon  us  the  right  of  fishing  on  the 
banks  of  Newfoundland,  we  were  authorized  to 
build  huts  and  warehouses,  to  dry  our  fish  and  pre- 
pare and  store  them  for  market;  and  yet  it  never 
entered  into  the  conception  of  man  that  because 
Great  Britain  had  given  us  these  privileges,  that 
territory  or  any  p^ortion  of  it  was  ours  Unques- 
tionably it  had  never  entered  into  the  thoughts  of 
Great  Britain,  that  if  she  saw  fit  to  organize  a  ter- 
ritory there,  she  was  first  to  come  and  ask  us.  And 
he  asked  gentlemen  to  throw  aside  the  idea  which 
had  been  engendered,  and  which  served  only  to 
confuse  and  lead  astray,  that  Great  Briiain  bud  any 
rights  which  would  .)e  interfered  with  by  the  vin- 
dication of  our  claims  to  that  territory.  Her 
treaty  with  Russia,  in  IBQf),  conferred  uiK)n  her 
almost  the  same  privileges  as  the  treaty  with  us  in 
1818;  yet  she  had  never  dared  to  plant  any  colo- 
nies there;  she  Iiad  never  even  raised  the  claim 
that  Russia  had  surrendered  any  portion  of  her 
territory. 

The  leading  articles  in  the  treaty  between  Great 
Britain  and  Russia  are  as  follows: 

"Article  VI.  It  is  iinderritotKl  Unit  the  subject:^  of  his 
'  Rritrtiiiiic  Majesty,  from  wliatcver  qiiartrrthey  may  arrive, 

*  whetlier  from  tlie"  ocean  or  from  the  interior  of  tlifi  coriti- 

*  nent,  Khali  forever  enjoy  the  riglit  of  navientins  freely,  and 
'  without  uiiy  hinderaiioi!  whatever,  all  the  rivers  and  streams 
'which  in  their  course  lowaids  the  ra<'ilie  ocean  may  cross 
'the  line  <»f  demarcation  upon  the  liiieof  coast  described  in 

*  article  M  of  Ihe  present  convpntion." 

"Article  VII.  It  is  also  understood  that,  for  the  8pr»ce  of 
^  t<!n  years  from  th(!  sijinature  of  liu!  |ircseiit  convention,  the 
'  vessels  of  the  two  Powers,  or  those  helonirinir  to  their  re- 

*  spective  subjects,  shall  mutually  he  at  liberty  to  frequent, 

*  without  nny  hinderance  whatever,  all  the  inland  seas,  the 

<  gulfs,  havens,  and  creeks,  on  the  coast  initiitioned  in  ar- 

*  tide  3d  for  tlic  purposes  of  tishing  aiiU  jf  trading  with  the 

<  natives." 

Now,  he  appealed  to  gentlemen  whether  the  con- 
cessions in  these  respective  ti-eaties  were  not  very 
similar  in  character.  Yet  it  is  not  pretended  that 
Great  Britain  ever  set  up  any  claim  to  the  Russian 
territory  in  the  northwest,  under  the  stipulations 
of  this  treaty.  She  never  dared  to  set  up  any 
pretence  of  the  kind,  because  she  knew  there  was 
no  divided  power  in  that  country;  and  the  haughty 
Autocrat  would  have  spurned  the  fraudulent  de- 
sign to  usurp  his  territories.  England  knew  there 
was  no  divided  councils  there ;  no  struggles  for 
sectional  power;  no  petty  interests  at  war  with  the 
unity  of  the  empire;  but,  upon  the  contrary,  she 


'  would  have  to  encounter  that   powerful  despot, 
.  whose  councils  are  a  uait,  whose  word  is  law, 
whose  honor  is  deemed  his  country'.s  honor,  and 
'whose  mighty  powir  was  sufficient  to  shake  the 
j  rotten  systems  ((f  the  Old  World  to  their  fimnda- 
tion.     I'hesc  may  be  the  reasons  for  Russia's  es- 
!  caping  that  general  devastation  which  marks  the 
course  of  her  colossal  march  to  universal  empire. 
I      He  called  upon  gentlemen,  then,  to  look  at  this 
suliject  in  the  right  aspect.     This  is  .'Vmerican  ter- 
ritory.    No  rights  have  been  coni;eded  except  the 
I  rights  of  trade ;  and  so  long  as  our  harbors,  bays, 
'  and  creeks,  aix;  left  open  to  her  citizens  for  tliis 
purpose,  so  long  wo  violate  no  rights  of  hers,  al- 
though we  go  on  to  take  possession  of  it,  by  or- 
Iganizing  a  Government,  and   taking   the   proper 
I  measures  for  the  nrotectif)!  of  our  citizens  and  our 
soil.     When  we  closed  tl' '  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi river  to  them,  were  we  threatened  witli 
war?    When  we  closed  other  rivers  to  them,  were 
we  threatened  with  war?    No:  it  had  not  been  tiie 
practice  of  this  House  to  anticipate  war  on  such 
grounds.     They  were  looked  upon  aa  coinmercitd 
transactions.    No;  Great  Britain  never  would  have 
dreamed  of  saying  that  she  had  any  claims  upon 
Oregon,  had  it  not  been  for  the  laggard  spirit  of  the 
American  people,  and  which  had  crept  into  certain 
portions  of  this  House.     This  was  the  origin  of 
the  grasping  spirit  manifested  by  England  on  this 
subject,  and  wliich  well  accorded  with  the  grasp- 
ing spirit  with  which  she  was  now  fighting  the  New 
Zealanders,  to  strip  them  of  their  bttle  territory, 
and  was   denouncing  them   as   rebels.     She   had 
now  drawn   her  fortifications  from  the  North  of 
England  itself,  in  one  continuous  mililary  line,  all 
the  way  around  to  the  East  Indies;  she  had  forti- 
fied that  route  so  as  to  command  the  tradeof  China, 
and  she  does  not  want  Oregon  for  itself.     No;  she 
would  rejoice  to  see  Oregon  one  burning  volcano, 
us  far  as  she  is  concerned,  because  she  has  already 
fortified  one  route  to  secure  a  monopoly  of  the 
India  trade,  at  a  cost  of  hundreds  of  millions,  and 
she  is  not  prepared  to  erect  a  new  line  of  fortifica- 
tions, to  control  the  destiny  of  the  commerce  in 
the  Pacific.     No;  she  does  not  want  Oregon  for 
itself,  l)ut  she  grasps  it  to  keej)  out  Yankee  enter* 
I  prise.     The  control  of  the  commerce  of  the  world 
I  IS  the  secret  of  her  vast  and  mighty  power.     Let  n 
successful  blow  be  struck  at  that,  and  that  mighty 
ffibric,  which  has  been  reared  upon  the  sweat  and 
blood  of  her  own  jieople,  and  the  plunder  of  na- 
tions, will  soon  crumble  to  the  dust.  She  has  seized 
upon  the  usual  route;  she  has  fortified  it  at  every 
point:  and  she  felt  secure  in  the  possession  of  her 
controlling  power,  until  Americiin  genius  and  en- 
terprise devised  a  new  route,  without  the  reach  of 
her  l)aftlements.     In  her  hands,  she  woidd  never 
suflTer  Oregon  to  develop  her  great  commercial  re- 
'  sources,  because  it  would  give  a  new  direction  to 
}  trade,  and  f>roduce  a  perfect  revolution  in  csfab- 
;  lished   systems.     It  would  draw  that  commerce, 
j  which  has  eiiiiched  every  nation  that  ever  controll- 
■  ed  it,  from  tlic  direction  of  Europe  to  the  American 
I  coast.    If  she  can  cripple  us, and  prevent  emig^ration 
I  and   settlement  in  Oregon,  that  is  all  she  desires, 
to  preserve  her  supremacy  over  the  connnerce  of 
the  world.     Every  move  ujion  the  political  chess- 
board is  but  another  illustration  of  her  vast  designs; 
and  justice  and  equity  ftirm  no  barrier  to  their  ac- 
complishment.    A  beautiful  specimen  of  English 


justice  is  now  developing  itself,  which,  if  carried 
out,  ought  to  brand  her  with  eternal  disg[race.  In 
the  Chinese  war  she  captured  the  beautiful  island 
of  Chusan,  which  commands  the  entrance  to  Ning- 
p.5,  the  commercial  depot  to  Peking,  the  capital, 
and  the  mouth  of  the  Yang-tse-kiang,  the  great 
river  of  China.  By  the  terms  of  the  peace,  she 
extorted  some  twenty  millions  of  dollars  from  that 
peace-loving  people,  and  in  return  was  to  restore 
back  this  island  in  December,  1845.  The  money 
has  been  paid — China  has  kept  her  faith.  And 
now  we  behold  the  spectacle  of  the  English  press 
— yea,  the  press  that  speaks  the  sentiments  of  the 
Guvernment — declaring  that  this  island  is  not  to  be 
surrendered,  and  that  avowedly  for  the  purpose  of 
controlling  the  commerce  of  tlie  Yanj-tse-kiang — 
that  great  artery  of  Chinese  trade.  They  enforce 
the  portion  of  the  treaty  beneficial  to  themselves, 
and  then  claim  a  change  of  circumstances  as  a 

i'ustification  for  a  violation  of  national  faith.  They 
ave  got  the  money,  and  they  refuse  to  surrender 
back  the  island,  because,  they  say,  forfooth,  "it 
would  be  pultinw  it  into  the  hands  of  our  great 
rival,  France,  ft  is  too  important  to  surrender; 
we  must  keep  it,  and  prevent  France  from  coming 
into  possession  of  it."  This  is  British  morality! 
And  why  do  they  keep  it?  Because  it  is  the  near- 
est harbor  to  Oregon. 

He  now  called  upon  gentlemen  to  look  frankly 
upon  this  treaty,  and  to  see  that  there  have  been 
no  rights  conferred  under  it,  as  claimed  by  gentle- 
men in  this  House;  and  whether  we  give  the  no- 
tice or  not,  we  have  as  much  right  to  organize  a 
territory,  to  fortify  it,  and  put  our  troops  in  it,  as  we 
had  in  Tennessee  or  Mississippi  under  Jay 's  treaty. 
It  was  no  grant  of  territory,  out  merely  a  commer- 
cial treaty;  and  Great  Britain  could  justly  take  no 
offence  at  our  action,  so  long  as  we  protected  the 
rights  of  trade  of  her  citizens;  but  if  she  saw  fit  to 
take  offence  at  it,  let  it  come. 

But  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  [Mr. 
Rhett]  yesterday  told  them  if  war  came  it  would 
be  a  war  of  aggression  on  our  part.    Our  soil  (said 
Mr.  B.)  is  quartered  upon;  fortifications  are  erect- 
ed, and  the  territory  is  actually  taken  possession 
of;  and  because  we  see  fit  to  do  the  same  thing,  in 
the  exercise  of  our  rights,  are  we  to  be  told  that, 
in  case  the  result  of  this  action  is  war,  it  is  a  war 
of  aggression  on  our  part  ?   It  reminded  him  of  the 
old  fable  of  the  porcupine  and  the  snakes.    The 
porcupine,  being  overtaken  by  a  storm,  called  at 
the  den  of  the  snakes,  and  sought  protection  from 
the  inclemency  of  the  weather.     He  was  taken  in; 
and  when  he  got  tired  of  his  company,  he  threw 
out  his  sharp  quills  into  their  soft  skins.     They 
invited  him  to  retire.     "  No,"  he  told  them;  "  he 
'  had  been  allowed  to  come  in,  and  he  was  very 
'  well  satisfied;  those  who  wished  to  could  go  out.'' 
So  with  British  traders.      Tliey  had  been  allowed 
to  come  in,  and  they  had  taken  possession  of  this 
territory;  and  now,  w-hen  we  wanted  to  get  them 
out,  they  tell  us  they  are  very  well  satisfied,  and 
those  who  are  dissatisfied  may  withdraw;  and  then 
the  gentleman  says  if  we  undertake  to  put  the  por- 
cupine out,  it  is  an  agn^rcssive  war.    He  (Mr.  B.) 
did  not  so  understand  it.    It  was  nothing  more 
nor  less  than  a  war  of  defence  against  the  en- 
croachments of  an  over-grasping  Power.   An  "of- 
fensive" war!     Why,  one  would  suppose  from 
the  speech  of  the  gentleman  that  we  were  engaged 


in  some 


Was  that  the  fact? 
any  one  doubt  it  at 


rand  acquisition  of  foreign  territory. 
Is  not  Oregon  ours?  Did 
this  day  ?  And  if  it  was 
ours,  what  was  our  duly  in  regard  to  our  citizens 
and  our  territory?  The  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina  had  told  them  that  to  give  this  notice 
would  be  to  assume  exclusive  jurisdiction  over 
the  territory,  and  to  assume  exclusive  jurisdiction 
would  be  war;  and  furtlier,  that  it  would  be  a  war 
of  aggression  on  our  part.  He  agreed  with  the 
gentleman,  that  giving  tlie  notice,  as  the  matter 
now  stood,  was  necessury  to  assume  exclusive 
jurisdiction;  but  as  to  the  remainder  of  his  posi- 
tions, he  differed  with  him  in  tola.  To  give  the 
notice,  aiid  to  assume  exclusive  jurisdiction,  he 
(Mr.  B.)  coritcnded  did  not  necessarily  invite  to 
war;  and  if  war  should  follow,  it  would  be  a  war 
of  aggression  on  the  part  of  England ,  to  take  from 
us  a  part  of  our  rightful  territory;  and  a  war  which, 
he  trusted,  if  it  once  was  forceil  upon  us  by  tlie 
rapacity  of  Great  Britain,  would  never  cea.sc  until 
slie  had  not  a  foot  of  land  upon  the  continent  of 
America.  Let  her  distinctly  understand  that  llikj 
was  the  sentiment  of  (liis  ltou.se  and  of  the  other 
house  of  Congress;  and  that  they  are  sustiiined 
in  it  by  the  American  people;  that  we  are  not 
going  to  cower  before  her,  and  to  surrender  our 
just  territory;  that  we  are  not  the  poor  contempt- 
ible creatures  tliat  she  is  committing  her  depreda- 
tions upon  in  South  Africa,  in  Hindostan,  or  New 
Zealand;  and  let  her  distinctly  understand,  that  if 
slie  makes  a  war  of  aggression  in  order  to  take 
from  us  any  portion  of  our  territory,  it  will  never 
cense  so  long  as  she  owns  one  inch  upo)i  our  con- 
tinent. The  gentleman  from  South  Carohiia  also 
dwelt  at  some  length  upon  the  policy  of  allowing 
things  to  renuiin  as  they  now  are,  and  of  leaving 
to  time  to  settle  this  question.  We  had  been 
allowing  it  to  go  on  in  this  manner  for  fifty  years^ 
and  what  had  time  accomplished  ?  It  had  brought 
iuto  question  the  title  of  a  territory  to  which  our 
claim  was  as  good  as  that  u})on  which  tliis  Capitol 
stands.  Our  diplomacy,  our  concessions,  our 
negotiations  from  time  to  time,  had  brought  the 
matter  into  this  position.  What  was  time  going 
to  do  ?  He  would  tell  them:  It  was  to  leave  that 
country  in  the  possession  of  tlie  British,  with  en- 
couragement to  fortify;  and  the  responsibility  of 
changing  the  state  of  things  which  we  pusillan- 
imoudly  shrink  from  will  be  assumed  by  our  pos- 
terity; and  Fremont's  pass  in  the  Rocky  mountains 
will  be  another  Thermopylae  to  drive  back  the  in- 
vading Persians  upon  the  rights  of  freemen.  The 
gentleman  was  mistaken  in  his  theory.  Time 
sufficient  had  already  elapsed  to  develop  what 
would  be  the  result  of  this  policy;  and  it  was, 
that  England  has  twenty-fijur  forts  in  that  territory^ 
and  that  we  had  none;  that  England  has  an  organ- 
ized government,  we  have  none;  that  England  has 
militiiry  forces  there,  we  have  none;  and  that  she 
iias  absolute  possession  of  a  territory  to  which  she 
has  no  claim  but  the  pretended  one  under  this 
treaty.  That  was  the  oj)eration  of  time;  and  time 
would  work  wonders  I  We  would  drive  them  off 
eventually,  or  make  them  American  citizens;  but 
he  scorned  to  leave  to  our  posterity  what  we  ought 
to  do  ourselves — to  vindicate  our  claim  to  a  terri- 
tory to  which  our  title  was  as  good  as  it  is  to  the 
territory  of  Virginia. 
The  gentleman   seemed  to  think  it  absurd  ta 


* 


territory, 
irs  ?    Did 
if  it  was 
ir  citizens 
m  South 
lis  notice 
tion  over 
risdiction 
be  u  war 
with  tlic 
le  matter 
exclusive 
his  posi- 
give  the 
tction,  he 
invite  to 
be  a  war 
take  from 
ar  which, 
13  by  tlie 
ease  until 
itinent  of 
that  thic) 
the  otliur 
sustained 
are   not 
ender  our 
contenipt- 
dcpreda- 
1 ,  or  ^few 
id,  that  if 
to  take 
vill  never 
our  con- 
uhna  also 
I  allowing 
>!'  leaving 
had   been 
fty  years, 
d  brought 
r'hicli  our 
is  Capitol 
ions,   our 
jught  the 
mc  going 
cave  that 
with  en- 
ibility  of 
pusillan- 
our  pos- 
loun  tains 
k  the  in- 
in.     The 
Time 
ap  what 
it  was, 
erritory, 
,11  orguii- 
laiid  has 
that  she 
hich  she 
der  this 
ind  time 
them  off 
jiis;  but 
/<i  ought 
a  terri- 
s  to  tlie 

surd  to 


think  of  possessing  Oregon.     He  (Mr.  B.)  dif- 
fered with   him  here,  also.      Let    us   pass   this 
measure;  let  us  encourage  our  people  to  go  there,  i 
and  let  the  English  attempt  to  resist  us,  and  he  | 
would  guaranty  that  one  hundred  thousand  swords  | 
would  leap  from  their  scabbards,  and  would  be 
wielded  for  the  defence  of  our  rights  in  Oregon, 


from  desecration,  from  being  yielded  up  to  the 
aggressor.  From  the  manner  in  which  gentlemen 
talk  upon  this  floor,  we  miglit  supi)ose  that  the 
idea  ot  national  honor  had  l>ecome  extinct  in  the 
land.  Had  we  any  such  thing  as  national  honor? 
We  thought  we  had,  when  Congress,  a  few  years 
ago,  patriotically   voted   millions   to   the   discre- 


by  lliosp  who  wcmid  go  determined  to  drive  off  tionary  control  of  the  President,  to  protect  our 


our  enemies  from  the  lost  inch  of  the  soil  of  the 
Republic. 

Absurd  to  possess  our  own  soil — alis'ird  to  resist 
Britisli  aggressions  upon  our  own  territory — ab- 
surd to  protect  the  national  honor  from  the  burn- 
ing disgrace  of  foreign  colonization  within  our 
established  limits  !  Mr.  B.  frankly  confessed  thai 
he  could  not  comprehend  the  force  of  such  logic. 
No  achievement,  however  brilliant  or  stupend(ms, 
backed  by  the  mighty  power  of  this  Republic, 
could  merit  the  epithet  of  absurdity;  much  less 
one  which  had  justice  for  its  guide,  and  the  pre- 
servation of  the  national  domain  and  the  national 
honor  for  its  aim. 

The  gentleman  [Mr.  Riiett]  had  treated  at 
some  length  of  the  effects  of  war  upon  our  institu- 
tions, and  had  seemed  to  dread  something  like 
despotism  resulting  from  it.  In  this  he  differed 
from  that  gentleman;  and  he  regarded  it  as  a  poor 
compliment  to  our  system  to  assume  its  inefficiency 
for  any  and  every  emergency.  He  regarded  our 
system  of  Government  the  best  that  had  been  de- 
vised by  human  wisdom,  either  for  peace  or  for 
war.     It  was  no  frail  bark,  formed  alone  for  j)ros- 


rights  in  the  northeast.  Then  we  felt  as  a  brave 
and  patriotic  people  should  feel — that  the  cost  was 
not  counted  when  honor  was  at  stake.  In  four 
short  years  that  disputed  territory  fell  a  victim  to 
our  sjilendid  schemes  of  diplomacy.  Maine  was 
dismembered,  and  a  portion  of  her  people  tran.s- 
ferred  to  despotism  and  tyranny,  and  she  paid  for 
the  priceless  sacrifice  out  of  'he  public  treasury; 
and  this  in  turn  was  deemed  an  honorable  trans- 
action But  he  sincerely  trusted  that  this  was  the 
last  of  that  splendid  system  of  diplomacy;  and 
that  suth  disgrace  would  not  be  again  inflicted 
upon  the  country.  Upon  this  subject  we  might 
derive  a  most  beautiful  lesson  from  the  ancient 
Romans.  Amongst  the  fabled  deities  of  the  Ro- 
mans, they  had  a  god  of  boundaries  called  Termi- 
nus, who  was  represented  without  feet,  indicating 
that  he  had  no  power  of  retreating  from  the  snot 
where  Roman  valor  had  placed  him.  To  tnis 
fabled  deity,  the  homage  of  patriotism,  courage, 
and  a  sacred  faith  in  tne  prowess  of  their  arms, 
were  rendered  up  with  divine  honors.  Religion 
and  patriotism  combined  in  the  preservation  of  the 
soil  of  the  Republic.     In  support  of  this   sacred 


Cerous  gales,  and  to  be  shivered  amidst  the  storm;  principle  of  Roman  faith,  of  Roman  patriotism,  it 
ut  one  formed  for  every  contingency;  and  well  was  ordained  that  any  one  who  j)roposed  to  re- 
has  it  realized  the  best  hopes  of  its  patriotic  found-  •  move  this  god, and  Jismcmlier  the  Republic,  should 
ers.  It  has  stood  the  test  of  war-tempests  when  '  be  decreed  infamous.  Armed  alike  with  religious 
the  Republic  was  in  its  infancy,  and  brought  us  !  enthusiasm,  a  devotion  to  this  god  of  limits,  and 
out  gloriously  and  triumphantly.    The  anticijjated   an  ardent  and  burning  patriotism,  the  Roman  peo- 

"   "      *    ■      pie  not  only  preserved  from  dismemberment  the 


evils  of  the  gentleman  were  no  part  of  the  fruits 
of  that  glorious  struggle,  but,  on  the  contrary,  it 
aroused  a  noble  and  enthusiastic  patriotism  among 
the  people;  a  renewed  devotion  to  our  cherished 
institutions,  which  had  borne  them  unscathed 
amidst  the  conflict;  and  its  fruits  were  national 
honor  and  national  glory.  A  v. ar,  he  maintained, 
occasionally,  was  no  positive  evil.  It  engendered 
among  the  people  a  self-relying  confidence,  and  a 
warm  aad  patriotic  devotion  to  their  country.  It 
secured  respect,  by  teaching  others  that  we  are 
not  to  be  assailed  with  impunity.  China  is  an 
example  of  a  nation  which  never  wais — which 
spends  millions  of  money  to  build  walls  to  hedge 
liersclf  m-ound,  instead  of  relying  on  the  breasts  of 
her  sons  as  a  bulwark  of  defence.  On  the  con- 
trary, England,  France,  and  Grcrmany  were  na- 
tions that  were  prepared  to  defend  their  rights. 
He  did  not  regard  war  as  a  positive  evil,  if  it  was 
forced  upon  us  by  aggression  and  injustice: and  he 
told  the  gentleman  he  might  look  to  the  "West  for 
defence  for  any  war  which  might  come  upon  us. 

On  the  point  of  honor,  it  v/as  a  subject,  as  he 
had  before  remarked,  of  vital  importance  to  this 
country.  The  eyes  of  the  world  are  upon  us,  and 
their  estimate  of  our  national  character  was  more 
or  less  to  be  formed  upon  the  issue  of  this  contest. 
If  the  Territory  of  Oregon  was  a  barren  rock,  if  it 
was  a  burning  volcano,  still  it  was  ours;  and  he 
trusted  in  God  that  there  was  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people  that  strong  idea  of  national  honor  which 
would  forever  preserve  it  from  dismemberment, 


soil  of  the  Republic  for  more  than  a  thousand 
years,  but  planted  the  statue  of  their  favorite  deity 
ill  Britain  on  the  North,  on  the  Euphrates  in  the 
East,  Mauritania  in  the  South,  and  the  pillars  of 
Hercules  in  the  West.  Roman  arms  and  Roman 
valor  carried  him  to  the  utmost  limits  of  the  then 
known  habitable  ^lobe.  Inspired  by  a  holy  faith 
in  their  tutelary  deity ,  they  could  look  undismayed 
amidst  the  slaughters  of  Canute  and  the  ruthless 
plunder  of  the  Gauls.  Even  in  her  greatest  ex- 
tremity, no  senator  dared  counsel  peace  at  the 
sacrifice  of  an  acre  of  her  soil;  no  diplomatist  had 
the  temerity  to  breath  the  thought  of  removing 
the  favorite  deity  from  his  pedestal  at  any  price. 
Where  Roman  genius  and  Roman  enterprise  erect- 
ed the  sacred  symbol,  Roman  valor  was  there 
ready  to  defend  it.  Under  the  benign  influence  of 
this  mingled  sentiment  of  religion  and  patriotism, 
Rome  grew  and  spread  until 

She  veiled 
Earth  witli  her  hauglity  slmdow,  and  displayed. 
Until  the  o'er  canopied  horizon  f^iiled, 
Her  rushing  wings — Oh  !  she  who  wm  Almighty  hailed. 

From  this  beautiful  story  of  the  fabled  divinity, 
let  us  learn  to  draw  lessons  of  wisdom  and  patriot- 
ism. Let  us,  like  the  Romans,  inculcate  a  sacred 
reverence  for  the  unity  of  our  soil,  for  the  untar- 
nished lustre  of  our  honor.  Let  us  enshrine  in 
our  hearts  our  stars  and  our  strij)es  as  the  patriotic 
emblems  of  our  faith.  Let  us  plant  them  upon 
the  utmost  limits  of  the  Republic,  and  invoke  exe- 


6 


I 


cration  upon  the  head  of  him  who  would  counsel 
their  withdruwal  or  their  dishonor. 

He  trusted  that  this  illustrious  example  would 
not  be  lost  on  our  later  Republic,  but  the  same 
spirit  which  hud  glawed  in  millions  of  Roman 
hearts,  would  contuiue  to  pulsate  in  every  Ameri- 
can bosom,  until  our  name,  and  our  principles,  and 
our  free  institutions,  had  spread  and  covered  the 
eartli  with  their  benign  hifluencc.  National  pride 
and  national  honor  were  sentiments  in  the  Ameri- 
can breast  which,  like  the  vestal  fires,  flamed  eter- 
nal upon  the  sacred  altar  of  the  hearts  of  freemen. 
To  ofTend  that  pride  or  that  honor,  was  as  holy  a 
cause  of  war  as  to  strike  the  indignant  blow  at 
liberty  itself.  In  the  gentleman's  [Mr.  Riiett] 
illustration  of  the  causes  of  war,  he  differed  with 
him  entirely.  There  were  other  causes  than  the 
oiJpressor's  blow  upon  the  liberty  of  a  nation. 
There  were  other  causes  than  the  mere  dread  of 
being  trodden  in  the  dust  by  the  iron  heel  of  pow- 
er. In  the  honor  of  a  nation  there  were  points  as 
nice  and  delicate,  and  even  more  so,  than  in  that 
of  a  private  individual.  Our  revolutionary  fathers 
had  .spilled  their  blood  on  a  hundred  battle-fields 
on  an  abstract  technical  principle;  not  becaiise 
they  were  tiixed  higher  than  they  could  bear — for 
they  taxed  themselves  much  higher  afterwards — 
but  because  they  were  taxed  by  those  who  had  no 
right  to  tax  them.  To  tax  themselves  was  the  ex- 
ercise of  the  glorious  right  of  freemen — to  submit 
to  be  taxed  by  others  was  the  degradation  of 
slaves. 

The  gentleman  had  said  somethings  about  north- 
ern and  western  chivalry,  which  could  contemplate 
the  flowing  of  blood  (()r  national  honor,  and  yet 
would  award  a  felon's  grave  to  an  individual  who 
would  combat  on  a  pomt  of  private  honor.  He 
could  tell  the  gentleman  that,  as  far  as  the  West 
was  concerned,  he  had  wholly  mistaken  the  char- 
acter of  her  people.  And  he  could  further  tell  the 
gentleman  that  uiat  high  sense  of  pride,  that  deli- 
cate sense  of  honor,  which  impelled  man  to  call 
another  to  the  field  of  private  combat,  was  to  the  full 
as  strong  in  the  West  as  it  was  in  South  Carolina. 

[Mr.  Woodward,  of  South  Carolina,  here  in- 
terposed, and,  as  his  colleajjue  was  absent  from 
the  House,  would  take  the  liberty  of  saying  on  his 
behalf  that  he  thought  the  gentleman  from  Mis- 
souri had  mistaken  his  meaning.  He  had  made 
no  such  reference  to  the  people  of  the  West,  nor 
to  any  individual  in  the  West.  He  had  merely 
said  tnat  there  were  some  individuals  such  as  he 
described.] 

He  claimed  no  peculiar  credit  for  the  chivalry  of 
the  West;  he  only  claimed  for  her  an  equal  parti- 
cipation, with  the  rest  of  the  confederacy,  in  that 
common  sentiment  of  American  valor  which  made 
the  blood  of  her  citizens  a  free  offering  upon  the 
altar  of  their  country's  glory. 

There  was  another  branch  of  this  subject  to 
which  time  would  only  permit  him  to  alluae,  and 
that  was  the  commercial  importance  of  this  terri- 
tory. And,  in  the  first  place,  he  would  call  the  at- 
tention of  gentlemen  to  the  fact,  that  from  the  At- 
lantic coast,  through  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
on  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  we  were  by  nature,  ay, 
we  were  stamped  by  the  hand  of  God  himself,  as 
one  nation  of  men.  Look  at  the  geographical  con- 
formation of  our  country,  and  contrast  it  with  the 
Other  quarters  of  the  globe,  and  no  man  can  doubt  | 


that  ligh  destiny  which  is  manifest  from  our  situ- 
ation. Nature  nas  tnarked  the  distinction,  and  it 
would  be  folly  in  the  extreme  to  shut  our  ryes  to 
the  :Uture  glory  of  the  Republic.  On  the  other 
greai  cftnlinents  of  the  world,  nature  has  placed 
their  massive  mountain-chains  in  the  centre,  from 
whic  1  their  rivers  di\erge  in  every  direction  to  the 
ocean.  Each  great  river-valley  from  the  moun- 
tain to  the  sea,  is  marked  as  the  abode  of  a  sepa- 
rate and  distinct  projile.  Nature  has  ordained  the 
distribution  of  nations  upon  the  continen's  of  the 
Old  World;  and  every  attempt  to  consolidate  them 
has  proved  fruitless,  and  will  contimte  to  prove 
fruitless.  Not  so  with  our  own  continent.  Our 
mighty  mountain-barriers  are  not  in  the  centre, 
but  are  distrilnited  into  two  great  chains  upon  the 
East  and  the  West — from  which  their  waters  con- 
verge to  a  common  centre  through  the  gre;>t  valley 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  discharge  themselves  by 
one  common  trunk  to  the  ocean.  This  great  val- 
ley, more  than  thirteen  hundred  thousand  square 
miles  in  extent,  is  marked  by  the  hand  of  destiny 
as  the  abode  of  one  people.  It  is  marked  as  the 
great  body  of  the  Republic,  to  which  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacifi^c  slopes  are  but  wings  of  comnumica- 
tion  with  the  commerce  of  the  world.  These 
three  parts  of  the  Republic  are  inseparably  bound 
together  by  the  chains  of  a  conuiion  interest,  of  a 
common  destiny.  And  it  is  wisely  arranged  that 
that  portion  of  the  confederacy — the  great  valley 
of  the  Mississippi,  which  cannot  do  without  the 
Union,  to  jireserve  her  commercial  connexion  with 
the  seas — is  destined,  in  all  time,  to  po.ssess  the 
power  to  preserve  it. 

A  half  century  has  scarcely  elapsed  since  the 
wave  of  population  first  jtassed  the  great  barriers 
of  the  Allegliany  into  the  Mississippi  valley,  which 
now  contains  nearly  ten  millions  of  people,  located 
luion  a  soil  unsurpassed  for  fertility  upon  the  globe. 
The  surplus  productions  of  this  va'ley,  now,  are 
more  than  sufficient  to  supply  all  the  demands  of 
Eurojie  and  America;  and  judging  of  the  future  by 
the  past,  the  time  is  not  distant  when  it  will  be 
quadrupled  in  surplus  production  as  well  as  popu- 
lation. To  control  the  trade  of  the  surplus  prod- 
uce of  this  rich  valley,  has  called  forth  the  un- 
ceasing efforts  of  every  commercial  city,  fVom 
Boston  to  Savannah.  That  mighty  mountain  bar- 
rier of  the  great  valley  has  been  passed  over  at 
a  variety  of  points,  with  improvements  and  at  a 
cost  of  more  than  a  hundred  millions  of  dollars, 
to  secure  this  great  trade  of  the  West,  Boston 
has  her  railroad;  New  York  has  her  great  Erie 
canal  and  railroads;  Philadelphia  has  her  railroads 
and  canals ;  Baltimore  has  her  railroad  and  the 
Chesai)eake  and  Ohio  canal,  forming  a  junction 
with  the  national  road;  and  so  the  catalogue  might 
be  continued  along  the  whole  line  of  Eastern  cities 
to  Savannah .  And  though  a  great  amount  is  drawn 
off  through  these  sources,  yet  scarcely  enough  to 
make  an  impression  upon  the  vast  surplus  produc- 
tion of  that  mighty  region. 

Now  he  would  ask  Eastern  gentlemen,  who  are 
opposing  the  provision  of  a  new  outlet  for  this 
great  trade,  to  look  for  a  moment  at  its  effects 
u})on  the  agricultural  interests  of  the  Eastern 
States.  It  is  to  flood  your  markets,  and,  bv  the 
force  of  competition  with  a  cheaper  agricuftural 
country,  to  destroy  your  agricultural  interests. 
The  productions  of  the  West  and  Southwest, 


our  situ- 
tn,  mid  it 
r  eyes  to 
lio  other 
s  plarcd 
rn,  from 
on  to  the 
e  nioun- 
a  scpa- 
f\inp(i  the 
•a  of  the 
ate  tliem 
to  prove 
nt.     Our 
centre, 
upon  the 
iters  ron- 
■Mt  valley 
stives  by 
^eat  val- 
id square 
"  destiny 
cd  as  the 
!  Atlantic 
iinmnica- 
These 
ly  bound 
jrest,  of  a 
nged  that 
eat  valley 
thout  the 
xion  with 
)ssess  the 

since  the 
k  barriers 
cy,  which 
le,  located 

the  globe. 

now,  are 
jiTiands  of 

future  by 
it  will  be 
I  as  popu- 
ilus  prod- 
i  the  un- 
ity, fVom 
ritain  bar- 
id  over  at 

and  at  a 
if  dollars, 
Boston 
freat  Erie 
•  railroads 
[  and  the 
I  junction 
2[ue  mijrht 
tern  citieg 
lis  drawn 
nough  to 
s  produc- 

,  who  are 
t  for  this 
its  effects 
Eastern 
d,  bv  the 
;ricuftural 
interests, 
juthwest, 


coming  into  competition  with  Eastern  produc- 
tions, arc,  all  kinds  of  ^rain,  hemp,  tobacco,  cot- 
ton, Wind,  pork,  iieef,  and  every  variety  of  live 
stuck — all  of  wliich  can  be  produced  at  prices 
there  infniilely  less  than  the  cost  of  production  in 
tlie  East.  And  every  year  the  amount  of  this  com- 
j)ctiti<in  is  increased.  This  may  build  uj>  maf;nifi- 
cent  cities  in  the  Ea.st,  at  the  ex|»eiise  ot  the  i'arm- 
inj,'  and  plantinj;  interest.  And  how  can  gentle- 
niei)  in  tlie  East,  in  view  of  this  prospect  before 
them,  hesitate  to  aid  us  in  opening  a  new  market 
for  this  ri<;h  trade  ? 

But  when  it  is  brought  into  the  eastern  market.^, 
where  is  your  foreign  outlet?  Eiiro{>(! — a  country 
of  some  two  hundred  millions  of  jieo^ile,  all  rivalling 
us  in  the  same  productions,  and,  consequently,  af- 
fording a  poor  jirospect  of  a  market  for  our  surplus. 
On  the  other  liand,  give  it  a  direction  wcRtward, 
and  let  Astoria  become  the  rival  of  New  York  in 
commerce,  and  what  are  the  prospei-ts?  The  ports 
of  eastern  Asia  are  as  convenient  to  Oregon  as  the 
ports  of  Europe  arc  to  the  eastern  slope  of  our  con- 
federacy, with  an  infinitely  better  ocean  for  navi- 
fation.  In  China,  Japan,  Cochin  Cliina,  and  the 
5irnian  empire,  w(!  have  an  aggregate  of  four  hun- 
dred and  fifty  millions  of  the  finest  artisans  and 
maimfacturers  in  the  world,  as  a  jiopulation  to 
consume  the  surplus  productions  of  the  great  val- 
ley. In  return  for  our  breadslufls  to  feed  their 
starving  millions,  they  could  give  us  tea,  porce- 
lain, silks  raw  and  manufactured,  satins,  velvets, 
crapes,  ivory  ware,  fine  woollens,  cottons,  metals, 
gums,  paints,  and,  from  the  Philippine  Islands, 
coffee,  sugar,  and  spires.  Here  is  the  natural  out- 
let for  the  surplus  productions  of  our  country,  and 
a  direct  inlet  to  that  commerce  which  has  enriched 
every  country  that  has  enjoyed  the  benefits  of  it, 
from  the  earliest  period  of  recorded  history  to  the 
present  day.  This  is  the  prospective  value  of  Ore- 
gon. To  the  West  she  is  to  give  a  glorious  mar- 
ket, and  partially  relieve  the  East  from  a  withering 
competition.  Then,  with  this  view  before  them, 
wiio  iire  i)rejiared  to  treat  it  as  a  local  question  ? 

Let  us  perform  our  duty  in  relation  to  this  terri- 
tory, (he  urged,)  and  if  war  was  forced  uj)on  us 
he  trusted  in  God  that  we  should  not  be  found 
afraid  to  meet  if,  and  that  we  should  not  cravenly 
postpone  it  for  our  posterity.  Let  us  jireserve  our 
territory  from  dismemberment,  and  ourselves  from 
eternal  dishonor  and  disgrace.  There  wa.^  not  a 
heart  in  the  nation,  he  tnisted,  that  did  not  leap  at 
the  glorious  thought  of  meeting  our  enemy  in  such 
a  cause  as  this  if  war  was  forced  upon  us,  and  of 
pressing  forward,  not  stopping  until  we  should 
drive  our  invaders  from  the  American  continent. 
There  was  no  difficulty  on  this  point,  however. 
Great  Britain  was  not  going  to  declare  war.  Did 
she  declare  war  on  Russia  when  she  resumed  the 
territory  on  which  she  had  given  her  the  right  to 
triide?  or  upon  us,  when  we  had  resumed  the  right 
of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  river,  which 
we  granted  her  under  Jay's  treaty  ?  No;  she  was 
not  going  to  declare  war  now;  and  he  regretted  that 
any  jiart  of  the  legislation  of  this  House  should  be 
tinctured  with  a  British  feeling — with  a  fear  that 
Great  Britain  would  not  approve  our  action  in  re- 
gard to  our  own  territory.  He  utterly  denounced 
and  deprecated  such  a  course;  and  he  invoked  this 
House  to  continue  to  legislate  upon  our  own  soil 
precisely  as  if  Great  Bntaiii  did  not  exist  as  a  na* 


tion — precisely  as  if,  with  an  a»grraslvc  spirit,  she 
was  not  spreading  her  dominion  fur  and  wide  over 
the  bounds  of  the  habitai)le  globe.  We  had  our 
rights;  and  let  us  dare  maintain  them.  This  alone 
was  worthy  of  a  great  people,  and  would  lead  ua 
on  to  true  glory. 

Gentlemen  had  talked  tliere  about  propagandists, 
and  assimilated  our  determination  to  protect  our 
own  soil  from  aggression  to  a  proposition  to  ox* 
tend  and  spread  our  jieculiar  infltitutu)n8  over  man- 
kind by  force,  and  cited  Prance  and  the  French 
Revolution  as  a  terrible  example  of  that  kind. 
There  was  the  spirit  of  propagandism  in  that  con- 
test, but  it  was  not  in  France,  mit  in  the  combined 
Powers  of  Europe,  to  force  a  system  of  govern- 
ment upon  her  against  the  solemnly  expressed  will 
of  her  people.  England  led  in  the  efforts  to  resist 
the  march  of  liberty  in  France,  and  force  upon  her 
a  monarchical  Government  against  her  will;  and 
he  gloried  in  the  fact  that  France  rose  in  her  might 
and  drove  back  the  invaders  with  defeat  and  dis- 
grace. In  the  hour  of  peril  to  their  country,  the 
i  'rench  were  as  one  man.  He  admired  the  French 
for  their  love  of  country,  and  their  devotion  to  lib- 
erty and  national  honor  and  glory.  He  denied 
that  she  had  ever  exhibited  a  spirit  of  propagand- 
ism, and  attributed  her  whole  career  in  Europe 
during  the  Revolution  to  a  noble  resistance  of  a 
design  to  crush  her  liberties.  She  had  but  resisted 
her  oppressors,  and  carried  the  battle  into  their 
own  fields.  He  trusted  that  when  we  were  as- 
sailed, we  should  be  animated  by  the  same  spirit 
and  crowned  with  the  same  success.  If  was  ab- 
surd to  talk  of  conquering  twenty  millions  of  peo- 
ple, enlightened  and  free,  and  intrenched  in  the 
mountain  passes  of  such  a  country  as  ours.  We 
never  could  be  conquered  by  force  of  arms,  and 
this  Britain  well  knew.  She  would  make  war  upon 
us  in  a  different  form;  she  would  carry  on  against 
us  that  same  war  of  colonization  which  she  had 
wajjed  against  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  by 
which  she  had  vanquished  the  Hindoos,  conquered 
Ceylon,  attached  Ne>v  Zealand,  overrun  Affghan- 
istan,  and  even  stooped  to  use  her  fleet  and  her 
soldiery  against  the  little  islanda  of  the  Pacific. 

But  if  war  should  come,  it  would  be  a  mighty 
struggle,  and  one  that  would  convulse  the  civilized 
world;  there  would  then  be  a  clash  of  systems. 
The  aggression  would  not  be  on  our  part,  but  with 
the  monarchies  of  the  Old  World,  in  their  frantic 
efforts  to  destroy  Republicanism  and  banish  it  from 
the  earth.  A  struggle  like  this  held  out  hope  and 
encouragement  to  the  lovers  of  liberty  everywhere, 
and  to  the  oppressed  millions  all  over  the  whole 
W'orld.  To  talk  about  refciTing  our  disputes  to 
arbitration  was  absurd — the  despots  of  Europe 
were  our  natural  foes.  No,  wc  stood  alone;  wc 
had  no  friend  among  them,  and  nothing  to  expect 
at  their  hands.  If  our  quarrel  was  submitted  to 
such  an  arbitrament  ana  the  award  should  take 
from  us  a  portion  of  our  own  territory,  he  for  one 
would  try  to  awaken  his  countrymen  to  arms,  and 
urge  them  instantly  to  retake  that  which  was  their 
own.  We  never  had  negotiated  but  we  were  cheat- 
ed. He  would  hear  of  no  more  negotiation  for  ter- 
ritory. The  result  of  it  was,  first  to  prove  our  title 
good,  and  then  to  surrender  it  to  our  opjionents. 

Mr.  B.  concluded,  expressing  his  coimdence  that 
the  unfeeling  sentiments  of  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  [Mr.  Gipdingij]  expressed  on  yesterday, 


8 


would  have  no  influence  upon  this  House.  No 
true  friend  of  Oregon  entertained  such  feelings. 
When  the  gentleman  drew  his  horrible  picture  of 
•war,  of  English  black  rcginrjents,  and  of  insurrec- 
tion in  the  South,  he  (Mr.  B.)  could  charitably 
have  hoped  that  the  "  wish  was  not  father  to  the 
Uiought,"  had  not  the  gentleman  coolly  remarked 


that  the  South  had  brought  this  upon  themselves. 
Oregon  wanted  no  such  advocates,  unon  such  mon- 
strous principles  of  inhumanity.  Her  true  friends 
rcpudiiitod  them,  and  he  wcald  say,  in  the  spirit 
of  the  Litany  of  the  church,  from  8u<;h  advocates, 
and  from  such  inhumanity,  good  Lord  deliver  us. 


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